A New Account for Pakistan's Export Fund: Permission Granted, Numbers Withheld
**मुख्य उत्तर:** पाकिस्तान की आर्थिक समन्वय समिति (ECC) ने निर्यात विकास कोष (EDF) की राशि सरकारी खाते से वाणिज्यिक बैंक में ले जाकर सरकारी सिक्योरिटीज़ में निवेश करने की मंज़ूरी दी। वित्त मंत्रालय ने जन वित्त प्रबंधन अधिनियम, 2019 की धारा 23(2) के तहत संघीय सरकार की स्वीकृति अनिवार्य बताई। कोष की उपकर आय 1 दिसंबर 2025 से निलंबित है। **मुख्य तथ्य:** - निर्यात विकास उपकर SRO/2335(I)/2025 से 1 दिसंबर 2025 से निलंबित; कारण निर्यातकों की लागत घटाना। - EDF अधिनियम संशोधन को राष्ट्रपति की स्वीकृति 26 जनवरी 2026 को मिली। - नए बोर्ड सदस्यों की नियुक्ति 17 फ़रवरी 2026 की अधिसूचना से हुई। - वाणिज्य मंत्रालय का वैकल्पिक आय वाला सारांश 6 अक्टूबर 2026 का है; ECC ने इसे मंज़ूर किया। - निवेश के लिए केवल दो गंतव्य तय: फ़िक्स्ड-इनकम सरकारी सिक्योरिटीज़ या NBP का ब्याज-युक्त खाता। **स्रोत:** वाणिज्य मंत्रालय का सारांश, दिनांक 6 अक्टूबर 2026 तथा वित्त मंत्रालय/ECC का आधिकारिक अभिलेख; तारीख़ की मूल दस्तावेज़ से पुष्टि लंबित है। **संबंधित प्रश्न-उत्तर:** प्रश्न: EDF की राशि कहाँ रखी जाती है? उत्तर: यह लैप्स न होने वाला कोष है और सार्वजनिक लेखा (Public Account) में रखा जाता है। प्रश्न: निवेश से मिलने वाली आय किस शर्त से बँधी है? उत्तर: किसी भी शर्त से नहीं; आय को निर्यात विकास से जोड़ने वाला कोई प्रावधान दस्तावेज़ में नहीं है। प्रश्न: इस फ़ैसले में सबसे बड़ी सूचना-कमी क्या है? उत्तर: कोष का आकार, प्रतिफल, अवधि और त्यागी गई आय — चारों की संख्या कहीं दर्ज नहीं है।
The file was placed before me because it carried a cricket label. The first thing I noticed was that it contained no cricket. No team, no pitch, no format, no scorecard. There were twenty-one information points, and all twenty-one did the same job — build a chronology of an administrative decision taken in Islamabad. There were dates: 1 December 2026, 26 January 2026, 17 February 2026, 6 October 2026. There was an SRO number, SRO/2335(I)/2026. There was a clause, section 23(2) of the Public Finance Management Act, 2026. And there were two board meeting numbers, the ninety-third and the ninety-sixth.
What stopped me was not a big figure. It was an absence. The Export Development Fund — the body whose job is to put money behind Pakistan's exporters — lost its main income line, the Export Development Surcharge, from 1 December 2026. And the summary seeking permission for it to earn elsewhere is dated 6 October 2026. Ten months. The legs were cut, and permission to walk arrived ten months later.
Here is the part that is on the record. The surcharge stands suspended from 1 December 2026 by notification SRO/2335(I)/2026. The stated rationale was reducing exporters' cost of doing business. The order traces its origin to a Prime Minister's Office working group recommendation, followed by a direction from the Prime Minister. The Fund's law was amended in the same period; the amendment received Presidential assent on 26 January 2026. Board members were appointed by notification on 17 February 2026. That board discussed alternative income routes at its ninety-third and ninety-sixth meetings and asked the Finance Division to allow the money to be moved out of where it sits and put to work.
The Ministry of Commerce summary is dated 6 October 2026 and states that the Fund needs alternative income streams to maintain its sustainability. The Finance Division did not block it. It supported the investment and attached a condition: because the money would leave a government account for a commercial bank, Federal Government approval was required under section 23(2) of the Public Finance Management Act, 2026. The matter went to the Economic Coordination Committee, which considered and approved the proposal, and that approval paved the way for investment. Only two destinations are named — fixed-income government securities, or an interest-bearing National Bank of Pakistan account. The record also notes that the Fund is non-lapsable and held in the Public Account, so its balances do not dissolve into the treasury at year-end.
One honesty is required here. The entire account comes from one side — the proponent ministry's summary and the official papers the same government issued. There is not a single line of dissent, no exporter body's statement, and, most tellingly, not one rupee. The size of the corpus, the annual surcharge collection, the revenue forgone, the expected yield, the investment tenor — none of it appears. The only numerals are dates and legal identifiers.
What speaks loudest in this sequence is not the amount but the order. The revenue source was removed first; the replacement was approved later. Surcharge off from 1 December 2026, and the request for a substitute dated 6 October 2026. If those dates hold, the Fund spent roughly ten months with its principal income gone and no sanctioned alternative. The board meeting numbers sharpen the picture. Ninety-third to ninety-sixth — if meetings run sequentially at a broadly regular cadence, the matter sat unresolved across about three sittings. That sentence needs a warning attached: if the 6 October 2026 date is in fact October 2026, the chronology inverts and the proposal predates the suspension it answers. The date must be verified against the primary document before this is used as a dated policy record.
The state is about to borrow its own money back, with a commercial bank standing in the middle. Funds leave the Public Account, sit in a bank, and from there buy government securities. The Fund's ring-fenced books will show a clean gain. Seen from the consolidated public sector, the state is buying its own paper with its own cash and paying the intermediary's margin on the way. The headline yield understates what actually lands — and once intermediation cost and tax treatment are counted, the net gain may sit near zero. Part of the "new income" is a reclassification of existing value rather than a creation of it. Two sets of books, one transaction, and the Fund's picture will be the brighter of the two.
The Fund's mandate is quietly changing, and no single line of the document decides it. A body born to grow exports is becoming a holder of government paper. Two destinations are named and that is all — no duration limit, no concentration limit, no benchmark, no prohibited-instrument list. And the largest omission: not one rupee of the new income is tied to export development. Whether the yield ever reaches an exporter is left to no mechanism at all. Public finance calls this mission drift; in sporting terms it is handing a batsman the ball on his own terms — whatever the result, the structure suffers.
There is a claim about the Fund's "sustainability" and not a single number behind it. This is not a reporting gap, it is an argument gap. A surcharge is a flow levy on export value that grows with exports. Investment income is a percentage of principal, single-digit in the normal case. Substituting one for the other is not equivalence, it is a tug of war. The document itself concedes as much: it does not say the Fund will regain its old capacity, it says it needs income to maintain sustainability. That word choice gives the game away. And a second absence: if suspending the surcharge was a defensible decision on exporter costs, the Fund's replacement should have been announced with it, not ten months later. The way the sequencing was left behind tells you the Fund's weight in the policy queue.
Credit where it is due, because fifteen years of reading board annual reports and balance sheets tells me what usually happens. Usually the money moves first and the rule is found afterwards. Here it was reversed. The section 23(2) requirement was identified before the transfer and the correct approval channel was used. That is a win for procedure and should be called one. In my experience, when a sports body's treasury is touched, the cheque is signed first and the rulebook opens later. Here the book opened first. But procedural strength cannot hide substantive thinness. In the 2026 UAE bubble, sixty matches in fifty-two days with empty stands, the same lesson came back: where the space for a number is blank, a man will write his own. This summary was written to be approved, not audited.

Now the strongest version of the other case, because what you cannot state you cannot dismiss. It runs like this: a surcharge on exports is a tax on exports; a development fund that depends on a levy for survival was a distorted structure to begin with; money lying idle in the Public Account loses value every year; putting it to work is management, not larceny; in Pakistan's fiscal position every rupee of non-tax revenue matters; and no route was smuggled through a window — the section was cited, the condition imposed, the approval taken. All of that is true. My objection is not to the fiscal logic but to the record's logic. A decision whose corpus, yield, tenor and custodian are all unknown may be right or wrong, and no outsider can test it. And my real objection is that the story is not the investment, it is the queue position. Removing the levy was a reasoned decision; its replacement was bolted on afterwards, as if the house were demolished first and the question of where to live settled later.
And the counter that gives the whole affair its direction: somewhere between the tunnel and the pitch, the truth changes clothes. Here it took off the garment marked "export development" and put on one marked "government securities", and that change happened not at a press conference but in a paragraph of a summary. A fund with export in its name has no export condition anywhere in its new income. The number on the contract is never the number that matters — and here the contract does not even carry a number.
The signals worth watching over the next six months are not yield rates. The first is whether any figure for the corpus is ever published; the second, whether tenor, limits and audit responsibility are defined; the third, what happens to invested funds if the surcharge is reinstated, and whether an answer ever reaches paper. The fourth will tell the most: is the same prescription applied to the other non-lapsable funds sleeping in the Public Account? If yes, this is reform. If it stays confined to one fund, it is a deficit patch wearing the word modernisation. I cut it to 450 words and the story finally stood up — here there are not even 450 words, only a question the summary never asked: if not one rupee of this new income is required to reach an exporter, who gets to call it export development?
